![]() A king who misruled was no longer a proper ‘king’, and could be legitimately overthrown and replaced. Conversely, when the behaviour of either ruler or ruled was out of line with the idealized standards ascribed to their social position, the prerogatives that normally attended that position no longer held. When the ruler’s behaviour was in line with the standards defined by his words, the ruler was thought to literally embody codes of proper social behaviour. Confucius argued also that a ruler able to ‘rectify names’, could set a clear example for his subjects to follow. If you lead the people by being rectified yourself, who will not be rectified?’ 7Ħ A crucial political strategy is to lead by correct example. This is thereason why, when one of his disciples asked: ‘What does it mean to govern?’ Confucius gave a univocally clear answer: ‘To govern means to rectify the names ( zhengzhi, zhengye 政者,正也). This is the ‘real’ meaning of 正, in the sense of ‘stopping at the line’. This is one of the fundamental ideas of his political theory: Confucius argued that a good government is obtained only when all the relative duties, defined by their names, are maintained. If the saying is not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs (of the State) cannot be carried on with success ( ming bu zheng ze yan bushun, yan bushun ze shibucheng名不正则言不顺, 言不顺则事不成).’ 5Confucius meant that names, and therefore language, embody norms and have a performative function 6: the art of governing the State is based on the axiomatic principle of giving correct names to things and acting accordingly. Confucius stated: ‘If names are not correct, the saying is not in accordance with the truth of things. (.)ĥ According to Confucius an extremely precise relationship exists between the notion of ‘correctness’ (正), as expressed in the theory of ‘correct names’, and the art of governing the State (政). 7 Confucius, The Analects, Book XII, Chapter 17.6 Language is not merely a medium of communication but embodies an actual action as well.5 Confucius, The Analects, Book XIII, Chapter 3.The possible range of expression of reality via language is confined within the perimeter strategically defined by the epistemological limit of ‘stopping at the line’. Therefore, 正名 can be interpreted as a politically connotated mechanism aimed at creating a prescriptive order of things (整), which responds to a sort of imposed and self-imposed regulatory practice (惩). In the evolution of the 正名 theory, 正 has a clear association with the art of governing (政). The third character is cheng惩, which means to punish or punishment. 整 was used, for example, in 1942 at the launching of the ‘rectification movement’ ( zhengfeng yundong整风运动). The second character is zheng整, which as a Verb means to put in order or rectify, and as an Adjective: proper, in good order. The first is zheng 政, which as a Verb means to govern and as a Noun, indicates the government or administration. ![]() From an etymological perspective, this character literally means ‘to stop’ 止 ‘at the line’ 一: 正 is therefore associated with the creation of orthodoxy.ģ The character 正is also a constituent part of three policy-related characters. Haut de pageĢ From a semantic perspective, the compound rd 正名 contains the character 正, which can function bothasa verb -meaning to rectify, to correct (as in the compound words 端正, 改正, 糾正)- and as an adjective -meaning correct, right, but also formal or official (as in the compound words 正規,正常,正式). Analysis of language formation and use in a comparative perspective considers the socio-historical contexts and reveals a pattern of evolution, involution, and finally devolution of language. The internal constitution of selected texts is examined with an eye to the dialogic interaction with the production and reception of Mao’s and post-Mao’s political discourses on intellectuals. This inquiry illuminates various possibilities for normalization and inculcation of formalized language. My focus is on specific forms of power embodied in language practices and discursive formations recognizable in selected texts. Wittgenstein argues that words have the power to set the limit for the ‘expression of thoughts’, because the boundaries of language indicate the boundaries of one’s own world. Formalized language has also served as a device to standardize the range of expressiveness of Chinese intellectuals. Political language has always had an intrinsic instrumental value, since its control is the most suitable way to express and convey the orthodox State ideology. In the Chinese historical tradition the ‘correctness’ of language has always been considered a source of moral authority, official legitimacy and political stability. This essay addresses the topic of the political use of formalized language.
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